FINLAND - The Winter War 1939 -> NATO member 2023 - general matter about Finland

Finland’s NATO Membership Application and Submission Process​

Finland decided to apply for NATO membership in May 2022, just a few months after Russia launched its large-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. This represented a historic shift from Finland’s long-standing policy of military non-alignment, which had been a core part of its identity since the post-World War II era. The decision was spurred by a rapidly changing security environment, as Russia’s aggressive actions raised concerns in Finland, particularly due to its 1,340-kilometer border with Russia.
The official application was submitted on May 18, 2022, jointly with Sweden, emphasizing the two countries’ shared goal of joining NATO "hand in hand." The process moved swiftly: NATO member states signed Finland’s accession protocol on July 5, 2022, initiating the ratification phase, which required approval from all 30 member states at the time. In Finland, the decision enjoyed broad public support, and the Finnish Parliament approved the accession on March 1, 2023, with a vote of 184–7. The final step was taken on April 4, 2023, when Finland officially became NATO’s 31st member.

The Period Between Application Submission and Membership Entry​

The time between Finland’s NATO membership application and its entry into force was remarkably short, spanning roughly 11 months. This was one of the fastest accession processes in NATO’s history, reflecting both Finland’s preparedness and the member states’ eagerness to strengthen the alliance against the Russian threat. Following the application, negotiations lasted only a few weeks, after which the ratification process extended from July 2022 to April 2023.
However, the process faced delays due to objections from Turkey and Hungary. Turkey initially opposed both Finland’s and Sweden’s membership, citing their alleged support for Kurdish organizations it considers terrorist groups. Eventually, Turkey approved Finland’s membership in March 2023, though Sweden’s process took longer. Hungary ratified Finland’s membership around the same time, enabling Finland to join before Sweden. This divergence separated the two countries’ shared goal, but Finland deemed swift action necessary given the security situation.

However, the process faced delays due to objections from Turkey and Hungary. Turkey initially opposed both Finland’s and Sweden’s membership, citing their alleged support for Kurdish organizations it considers terrorist groups. Eventually, Turkey approved Finland’s membership in March 2023, though Sweden’s process took longer. Hungary ratified Finland’s membership around the same time, enabling Finland to join before Sweden. This divergence separated the two countries’ shared goal, but Finland deemed swift action necessary given the security situation.

U.S. Military Presence in Finland​

Finland’s NATO membership has deepened military cooperation between the United States and Finland. Even before membership, the two countries had bilateral agreements, but NATO membership has opened the door to broader collaboration. For instance, in December 2023, Finland and the United States signed a Defence Cooperation Agreement (DCA), which allows for the presence of U.S. troops in Finland, as well as joint exercises and equipment cooperation. The agreement does not entail permanent bases but grants the U.S. access to certain military areas in Finland, strengthening NATO’s northern flank.
The presence of U.S. troops in Finland has so far been limited and focused on exercises, such as operations conducted in northern conditions. This aligns with NATO’s broader strategy to bolster its eastern and northern flanks in response to Russia’s threat. Finland’s robust armed forces, including a 280,000-strong reserve, complement the U.S. contribution, making Finland a valuable ally.

The U.S. President’s Role in Finland’s NATO Ratification​

U.S. President Joe Biden played a pivotal role in advancing Finland’s NATO membership. When Finland and Sweden applied for membership in May 2022, Biden hosted their leaders at the White House and expressed strong support for their accession. He described the process as a "victory for democracy" and emphasized NATO’s unity in the face of Russian aggression.
The Biden administration acted swiftly on ratification. The U.S. Senate approved Finland’s and Sweden’s accession protocols on August 3, 2022, with a vote of 95–1, and Biden signed the ratification documents on August 9, 2022. He urged other NATO countries to follow suit and pressed Turkey and Hungary, in particular, to expedite the process. Biden’s active role extended beyond formalities; his administration’s diplomatic efforts helped ease Turkey’s opposition, which was critical to Finland’s successful accession.




A Thank You to Smith & Wesson Owners in the United States

In closing, I wish to extend a special thank you to all Smith & Wesson owners in the United States. This may seem unexpected, but it can be seen as a symbolic gesture honoring the broader American support for Finland’s security. Smith & Wesson, an iconic U.S. firearms manufacturer, represents to many the values of independence and the right to self-defense—values that resonate in Finland as well, where a strong national defense has been a cornerstone of identity. Your support, whether symbolic or tangible, is part of the transatlantic solidarity that has enabled Finland’s integration into NATO and strengthened our shared security.
 
Finland’s NATO Membership Application and Submission Process​

A Thank You to Smith & Wesson Owners in the United States

In closing, I wish to extend a special thank you to all Smith & Wesson owners in the United States. This may seem unexpected, but it can be seen as a symbolic gesture honoring the broader American support for Finland’s security. Smith & Wesson, an iconic U.S. firearms manufacturer, represents to many the values of independence and the right to self-defense—values that resonate in Finland as well, where a strong national defense has been a cornerstone of identity. Your support, whether symbolic or tangible, is part of the transatlantic solidarity that has enabled Finland’s integration into NATO and strengthened our shared security.

You are most welcome, my friend. As a student of Finnish history, I treasure having my Nagant revolver and Mosin-Nagant rifle with the "SA" in the box [Finnish capture marks] as reminders of the courage of the Finnish people in standing up to the Russians. I just wish I could write this in Finnish for you and your compatriots.
 
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Mosin-Nagant 1891-Based Rifles Used by the Finnish Defence Forces and Civil Guard


When Finland gained independence in 1917, it inherited large quantities of Russian Mosin-Nagant M1891 rifles from former Imperial Russian depots—estimated at over 190,000 units. These formed the backbone of the new republic’s army and Civil Guard armament. During the Finnish Civil War (1918), both the Reds and Whites used these rifles, and after independence, Finland began developing its own variants, utilizing Russian receivers (actions) while enhancing components like barrels, stocks, and sights.
Mosin-Nagant Models of the Finnish Defence Forces and Civil Guard

M/91 (1891)
Description: The original Russian Mosin-Nagant M1891 infantry rifle, caliber 7.62x54R. Finland used rifles inherited from Russia, refurbished and adopted as-is.

Use: The primary rifle of the Defence Forces and Civil Guard in the early years of independence, widely used in the Civil War and into the 1920s.

Modifications: In the 1920s, Tikkakoski and the State Rifle Factory (VKT) began producing new barrels for the M/91, and some were fitted with Finnish stocks. Production continued at Tikkakoski until 1944.

Features: Many rifles were marked with the "SA" (Finnish Army) stamp.

M/24 ("Lotta Rifle")
Description: The Civil Guard’s first significant Mosin-Nagant upgrade project. New barrels were ordered from Switzerland (SIG) and Germany (e.g., Venuswaffenfabrik).

Use: The main rifle of the Civil Guard in the 1920s. Nicknamed the "Lotta Rifle" after the Lotta Svärd organization, which funded the acquisition and refurbishment of about 10,000 rifles.

Modifications: SIG barrels were either M1891-style or heavier for improved accuracy. German barrels were all heavier and equipped for bayonet attachment.

Production: Approximately 13,000 units (8,000 SIG, 5,000 German).

M/27 ("Pystykorva")
Description: An improved version developed by the Defence Forces, introduced in 1927. Featured a shortened barrel (68.5 cm) and an enhanced trigger mechanism.

Use: The primary rifle in the Winter War (1939–1940). Also used as a carbine version for cavalry (M/27rv).

Modifications: New Finnish barrels (Tikkakoski and VKT), reinforced stock (later with finger joints), and front sight with "pystykorva" (upright ears) protectors, hence the nickname.

Production: Manufactured 1927–1940, about 70,000 units.

M/28
Description: A Civil Guard-developed model based on the M/27 but sturdier and more accurate.

Use: The Civil Guard’s main rifle in the late 1920s and 1930s, transferred to the Defence Forces during World War II.

Modifications: Thicker, free-floating barrel (24 mm diameter), improved trigger, and single-piece barrel band.

Production: Limited quantity, exact numbers unclear.

M/28-30
Description: An enhanced version of the M/28, the Civil Guard’s top model. Included a more precise rear sight and other minor improvements.

Use: The Civil Guard’s primary rifle in the Winter and Continuation Wars, transferred to the Defence Forces after the Civil Guard’s dissolution in 1944.

Modifications: Adjustable front sight, aluminum sleeve between barrel and fore-end, two-piece birch stock.

Production: Manufactured 1930–1940, estimated in the tens of thousands.

M/39 ("Ukko-Pekka")
Description: A joint standardization effort by the Defence Forces and Civil Guard, introduced in 1939. Named after President Pehr Evind Svinhufvud.

Use: The main rifle of the Continuation War (1941–1944), remained in reserve until the 1990s.

Modifications: Semi-pistol grip stock, M/28-30 rear sight, lighter barrel than the M/28-30 but designed for Russian ammunition compatibility.

Production: Over 60,000 units (SAKO, VKT, AV3), production continued post-war.

M/91-30 (Tikka Version)
Description: Refurbished and partially manufactured versions of Soviet M/91-30 rifles obtained as war booty.

Use: Used in the Continuation War, with Tikkakoski producing new barrels and improving parts.

Modifications: Finnish stocks, sights, and cleaning rods.

Production: Approximately 12,000–13,000 units, 1943–1944.

Tkiv 85
Description: A "modern sniper rifle" based on the Mosin-Nagant, developed in the 1980s.

Use: Still in use by the Defence Forces for sniping, caliber 7.62x53R.

Modifications: New Valmet barrels, modern stock, scope mount. The oldest parts (receivers) may date back to the 1890s.

Production: Manufactured 1984–1985, Armory 1 (Kuopio), limited quantity.

Small-Caliber Rifles (e.g., M/91 .22)
Description: Rare .22 LR training rifles based on the M/91.

Use: Used by the Defence Forces and Civil Guard for training from the 1930s onward.

Modifications: Tikkakoski-made, small-caliber barrel.

Production: Very limited, exact numbers unclear.

Current Status
Defence Forces: The Tkiv 85 is the only Mosin-Nagant-based rifle still in official use as a sniper rifle. Other models (e.g., M/39) were kept in reserve until the 1990s but have since been phased out of active service.

Civil Guard: Dissolved in 1944 under the Moscow Armistice terms, their rifles were transferred to the Defence Forces or stored.

Finland’s Mosin-Nagant rifles evolved from the Russian M/91 into a diverse series ranging from the M/24 to the Tkiv 85. The Defence Forces and Civil Guard developed their own versions, with the M/39 representing the pinnacle of standardization. Their accuracy, durability, and Finnish improvements (e.g., stocks and barrels) made them legendary, especially in the Winter and Continuation Wars. The Tkiv 85 ensures the Mosin-Nagant legacy persists in Finland, over 130 years after the original model’s introduction.

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7.62 TKIV 85
 
L-35 LAHTI PISTOL​

Developer
The Lahti pistol was developed by Aimo Johannes Lahti (1896–1970), a Finnish weapons designer and self-taught engineer, widely regarded as one of Finland’s most prominent figures in firearms technology. Lahti designed several notable Finnish military weapons, including the Suomi submachine gun and the Lahti-Saloranta M/26 light machine gun, but his namesake pistol, the L-35, remains one of his most famous creations.
Development
The development of the Lahti pistol began in the late 1920s as Finland sought a new service pistol to replace the outdated Parabellum pistol (Luger P08), which had been acquired from Germany in the early years of independence. Aimo Lahti started the design work in 1929, aiming to create a durable, reliable pistol suited to Finland’s cold climate.
Prototypes: The first prototypes were completed in the early 1930s. Lahti drew partial inspiration from the Parabellum’s mechanism (short-recoil principle) but added his own innovations, such as a bolt accelerator, which enhanced reliability in freezing temperatures and dirty conditions.

Production: The final model, L-35, was approved for the Finnish Defence Forces in 1935, with serial production beginning at the State Rifle Factory (VKT) in Jyväskylä in 1938. Production was slow, and by the outbreak of the Winter War (1939–1940), only a small number were ready.

Variants
Several versions of the Lahti pistol were developed, with the most significant being:
L-35 (Finnish Model)
Caliber: 9x19mm Parabellum

Features: 8-round magazine, length 240 mm, weight 1.22 kg (loaded). Included a bolt accelerator and a detachable shoulder stock sleeve (rarely used). Designed to function in -40°C conditions.

Production: Approximately 5,000–6,000 units manufactured in Finland between 1938 and 1950 (estimates vary by source). Serial numbers start from 1001.

Markings: VKT stamp and "SA" (Finnish Army) marking.

Husqvarna m/40 (Swedish Model)
Caliber: 9x19mm Parabellum

Features: Based on the L-35 but simplified and without the bolt accelerator, reducing reliability in cold weather. Manufactured in Sweden by Husqvarna Vapenfabriks AB under license.

Production: Over 83,000 units produced between 1940 and 1946.

Modifications: The Swedes removed some of Lahti’s design features for cost reasons, and the pistol’s appearance differs slightly from the Finnish model (e.g., grip design).

Prototypes and Experiments
Lahti also developed 7.65x21mm Parabellum caliber versions and experimented with various stock and sight options, but these remained prototypes and did not enter widespread use.

Use in Finland
Defence Forces: The L-35 was adopted by the Finnish Defence Forces in the late 1930s, but only about 500 were available during the Winter War. Its use expanded in the Continuation War (1941–1944), where it was issued primarily to officers and special units (e.g., scouts). However, older pistols like the Nagant M1895 and Parabellum remained more common due to limited L-35 production.

Post-War Period: The L-35 stayed in service with the Defence Forces until the 1980s, when it was replaced by modern pistols like the FN HP-DA (Browning Hi-Power). It remained in reserve into the 1990s.

Reputation: The pistol was considered reliable and durable, though its heavy weight and slow production limited its popularity.

Use in Other Countries
Sweden:
m/40: Sweden purchased the L-35 license in 1940 to bolster its military amid the German threat. The Husqvarna m/40 became the standard Swedish army pistol during and after World War II, remaining in use until the 1980s. It faced criticism for malfunctions in cold weather and for firing overly "hot" ammunition, which wore out the mechanism.

Quantity: Over 83,000 units made it the most widely used version of the Lahti pistol.

Other Countries:
Germany: During the Continuation War, Finland supplied small batches of L-35 pistols to Germany as part of military aid. These were likely used on the Eastern Front, though exact details are scarce.

Civilian Use: After the war, L-35 and m/40 pistols were sold on civilian markets in Finland, Sweden, and the United States. They are now collector’s items, with Finnish L-35s particularly valuable due to their limited production.

Decommissioning: In Finland, the L-35 was fully phased out of active Defence Forces use by the 1990s, while Sweden replaced the m/40 with the Glock 17 in the 1980s.

Collector’s Value: The L-35 is a prized collector’s item, with well-preserved examples fetching hundreds or even thousands of euros. Swedish m/40s are more common and less expensive.

Impact: The Lahti pistol is seen as a symbol of Finnish engineering prowess, and its design influenced later firearms, though it never achieved the mass production of German or American pistols.

Developed by Aimo Lahti, the L-35 was an innovative pistol tailored to Finland’s harsh conditions. Its main variants were the Finnish L-35 and the Swedish m/40, the latter seeing far greater production. In Finland, it served the Defence Forces for half a century, while in Sweden, it was a standard issue for decades. Though limited in production, its durability and reliability left a lasting mark on military firearms history.
 
Finnish Assault Rifle RK 62 (7.62)​

The Rynnäkkökivääri 62 (RK 62), officially 7.62 RK 62, is a Finnish assault rifle developed in the late 1950s and early 1960s to replace the outdated bolt-action rifles, such as the Mosin-Nagant, used by the Finnish Defence Forces. Its development began in the mid-1950s as Finland sought a modern automatic weapon for its infantry. The Soviet AK-47 served as the primary inspiration, with extensive testing in Finland starting in 1956. Valmet Oy’s engineer Lauri Oksanen led the project, with technician Aaro Pulliainen contributing to many technical solutions.
Prototypes: The first version, RK 60, was completed at Valmet’s Tourula factory in 1960 (field test series, serial numbers 1001–1350). It differed from the AK-47 with a tubular metal stock, plastic grip and handguard, and a three-pronged flash suppressor that doubled as a bayonet mount. The sights were moved to the receiver cover and gas piston. After testing, a trigger guard base was added, and the plastic handguard was refined, resulting in the RK 62.

Approval and Production: The Defence Forces ordered the weapon on December 19, 1962, with serial production starting in 1963 at Valmet and Sako factories. The first rifles were delivered in 1965. Approximately 350,000 units were produced by 1994.

The RK 62’s technical features, such as the 7.62x39mm cartridge and gas piston operation, were derived from the AK-47, but the Finns improved accuracy, ergonomics, and cold-weather reliability. The barrel is hard-chromed and withstands over 20,000 rounds with reasonable accuracy.
Use
The RK 62 has been the primary infantry weapon of the Finnish Defence Forces since 1965. Designed as a soldier’s personal weapon, its strengths include reliability, accuracy, and durability in Finland’s variable conditions—“dirty, wet, or frozen.” It has served conscripts, reservists, and peacekeepers, earning praise in UN forces’ shooting competitions. Its practical rate of fire is about 140 rounds per minute (theoretical 700 rpm), with an effective range of 300 meters.
Wars and Crises: The RK 62 was used in peacekeeping missions (e.g., the Middle East and the Balkans)

Export: Valmet produced small batches for export, including 50 chromed RK 62 76 rifles for the Emir of Qatar in 1977–1978 for parade use.

Variants
Several variants of the RK 62 were developed, some remaining experimental while others entered wider use:

RK 60
Prototype with a tubular metal stock, unique sights, and flash suppressor. Not mass-produced.

RK 62 (Base Model)
Fixed plastic stock, three-pronged flash suppressor, weight 3.5 kg (without magazine). Made from milled steel.

RK 62 PT
Day-use version without night sights (pre-1968). Night sights later became standard.

RK 71 (Valmet M71)
Stamped steel receiver, open sights, wider cover. Variants: 71P (plastic stock), 71T (tubular stock), 71 UF (underfolding stock), 71W (wooden stock), 71S. Produced 1971–1973.

RK 71 TP
Folding stock version of the RK 71, with the stock folding under the rifle.

RK 62 76 (Valmet M76)
Stamped steel frame, weight 3.27 kg. Variants: M76W (wooden stock), M76F (plastic folding stock), M76T (skeleton folding stock), M76P (plastic stock). Produced 1977–1982. The stamped frame proved weak, prompting Valmet to return to milled receivers in 1982. Some were exported in 5.56x45mm NATO caliber.

RK 62 76 Chromed
50 units for Qatar, decorative parade version.

RK 95 TP
Advanced model (1995), folding stock, muzzle brake instead of flash suppressor, rifle grenade capability. Weight 3.7 kg. Produced by Sako in a smaller batch.

Valmet M82
Bullpup version based on the RK 62 76, not widely adopted.


Current Variants in Use
As of 2025, the RK 62 remains in use with the Finnish Defence Forces, though its role is diminishing with the development of new weapons. The primary variants are the modernized RK 62M models, introduced in 2015 as part of the Taistelija (Warrior) program. The modernization cost 12.6 million euros and extended the rifle’s service life into the 2030s.


RK 62 M1
Most common version, telescopic adjustable stock, optics mounting rails, tactical sling. Designed for frontline infantry.

RK 62 M2
Optimized for urban combat, new flash suppressor (optional breaching brake for cutting rebar), handguard for accessories.

RK 62 M3
Experimental version, green camouflage coating, same features as M1 and M2. Development ongoing.

Approximately 20,000 RK 62 rifles have been upgraded to M variants, but equipping the entire reserve (280,000 soldiers) is costly. With accessories (e.g., red dot sights), the weight approaches 5 kg, drawing criticism for ergonomics.

The RK 62’s lifecycle is nearing its end, and Sako is developing a new assault rifle (K22 project) in collaboration with Finland and Sweden. The caliber (e.g., 5.56mm NATO or 6.5mm) remains undecided, but the goal is to replace the RK 62 for key units by the late 2020s. Current 7.62x39mm stockpiles and the rifle’s weight no longer fully meet NATO-era needs, signaling a transition to a modern weapon.

The RK 62 has served Finland for nearly 60 years as a reliable and accurate weapon. Evolving from the AK-47, it spawned numerous variants, with the RK 62M models currently in use. While an iconic part of Finnish military culture, its replacement is inevitable in the coming years.
 
Suomi Submachine Gun​

The Suomi submachine gun (officially Konepistooli m/31, or KP/-31) is a Finnish 9x19mm Parabellum-caliber submachine gun developed in the 1920s and 1930s. Its designer was Aimo Johannes Lahti, the same man behind the Lahti L-35 pistol and the Lahti-Saloranta M/26 light machine gun. Development began in the early 1920s as Finland sought a rapid-firing, lightweight weapon for infantry to replace heavier machine guns and bolt-action rifles. Lahti drew inspiration from the German Bergmann MP 18 but significantly improved its mechanism.
Background: Finland’s first submachine gun trials occurred in the 1920s with MP 18s purchased from Germany. Lahti started designing his own version in 1921, aiming to create a durable and effective weapon suited to Finland’s harsh conditions.

Production: Manufacturing began at Tikkakoski Ase- ja Konepaja Oy (Tikka) in 1931, and the weapon was designated KP/-31. Production was labor-intensive and costly, but the gun proved exceptionally reliable.

Prototypes
Before the final KP/-31 model, Lahti developed several prototypes:

KP/-26: The first experimental model from 1925, chambered in 7.65x21mm Parabellum. It featured a wooden stock and box magazine but was unstable and quickly abandoned.

KP/-28: An improved version from 1928, still in 7.65mm caliber. Tested in small batches, it was discarded in favor of the more widely available 9mm Parabellum.

KP/-31 Prototype: By 1930, a 9mm version emerged, incorporating features of the final model, such as a large drum magazine and a cooling jacket around the barrel. This led to serial production.

Models in Use
Several versions of the Suomi submachine gun were developed, with the following being the most widely used:
KP/-31 (Base Model)
Features: 9x19mm Parabellum, weight 4.6 kg (without magazine), length 870 mm, rate of fire 900 rounds/min. Equipped with 20, 40, or 71-round drum magazines (later also a 50-round box magazine).

Production: Approximately 50,000–80,000 units (estimates vary) manufactured at Tikkakoski from 1931 into the 1950s.

Distinctive Features: Barrel cooling jacket, quick barrel-change capability, high accuracy.

KP/-31 SJR (Muzzle Brake)
Features: Equipped with a muzzle brake to reduce recoil and muzzle climb. Developed in the 1940s based on Winter War experiences.

Use: Primarily used late in the war and postwar.

KP/-44
Features: A simplified, cheaper version, weight 4.2 kg, without the cooling jacket. Used a 50-round box magazine and was compatible with Swedish Kpist m/45 magazines.

Production: Small batch of about 10,000 units made in 1944–1945.

Bunker Version
Features: Shortened model without a stock, designed for bunker and fortification combat. Used a 71-round drum magazine.

Use: Rare, employed in the Winter and Continuation Wars in specific situations.

Export Variants
The Suomi submachine gun was exported to several countries and influenced weapons development elsewhere:
Sweden: Tikkakoski supplied small batches of KP/-31s in the 1930s. The KP/-31 inspired the Swedish Kpist m/37-39, and Finland delivered 500 KP/-44s in the 1940s, contributing to the development of the m/45.

Germany: During the Continuation War, Finland sold about 3,000 KP/-31s to Germany (designated “MP Suomi” in the Wehrmacht). Used on the Eastern Front.

Switzerland: 200 KP/-31s were sold in the 1930s for testing.

South America: Small batches were exported to countries like Argentina and Bolivia in the 1930s and 1940s.

Soviet Union: During the Winter War, the Red Army captured KP/-31s as war booty, influencing the design of the PPSh-41 (notably its drum magazine).

Use in Finland
Defence Forces: The KP/-31 was adopted in 1931 and became the Finnish Army’s primary submachine gun in the Winter War (1939–1940) and Continuation War (1941–1944). In the Winter War, it excelled in close-quarters and forest combat, with its 71-round drum magazine providing a significant firepower advantage over Soviet submachine guns. In the Continuation War, it was issued particularly to scouts and assault troops.

Quantity: An estimated 20,000–30,000 units were in use during the wars, though exact numbers are unclear due to some being in storage or civilian hands.

Post-War: The KP/-31 remained in reserve until the 1970s, with the KP/-44 replacing some older models. By the 1980s, submachine guns were phased out in favor of assault rifles (e.g., RK 62).

Civilian Use: After the war, many KP/-31s were sold to civilians and are now collector’s items.

The Suomi submachine gun was one of the most advanced weapons of its time: its accuracy, firepower, and durability made it a feared weapon in the Winter War, and it inspired later submachine guns like the PPSh-41 and Sten. However, its expensive and labor-intensive production limited mass manufacturing. Today, it is an iconic part of Finnish military history, with functional examples being valuable collector’s items, often priced between 1,000 and 5,000 euros depending on condition.

Developed by Aimo Lahti, the Suomi submachine gun evolved from 1920s prototypes into the widely used KP/-31. Its variants, such as the KP/-44, and export models reached several countries, and in Finland, it was a key weapon in World War II. Though its use ended in the 1980s, its reputation endures in military and collector history.


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Unknown Soldier movie
Tikkakoski mannequin


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According to some estimates, the White Death Simo Häyhä killed over 200 Russians in Finland with a submachine gun

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The Finnish Civil Guard​

Founding and Impact on Finland’s Independence
The Finnish Civil Guard (Suojeluskunnat) was established between 1917 and 1918, riding the wave of the independence movement and national awakening as Finland broke away from the Russian Empire. The Civil Guard emerged organically from local initiatives as patriotic Finns sought to maintain order and resist the spread of Russian troops and Bolshevik ideologies. Officially, the organization took shape on October 25, 1917, when the Finnish Senate issued a decree authorizing its formation. Initially intended as a peacekeeping force, the Civil Guard soon became a cornerstone in defending Finland’s newfound independence.
Throughout their history (1917–1944), the Civil Guard stood as an unwavering shield against threats to Finland’s sovereignty. They embodied national unity, patriotism, and a readiness to sacrifice for the fatherland. Comprising ordinary Finnish men from all walks of life, Civil Guard members took it upon themselves to safeguard the young republic against both internal and external enemies.

Significance in the War of Independence and Suppression of the Illegal Red Rebellion in 1918
The War of Independence in 1918 was the Civil Guard’s first major test, and their role was decisive. The Red Guards, allied with Soviet Russia’s communists and acting treasonously against Finland’s legitimate government, attempted to overthrow the independent state through a violent rebellion. This Red terror threatened the nation’s future, but the Civil Guard rose heroically alongside the White Army to resist. They fought on the front lines, liberated towns and villages from Red control, and restored order. The capture of Tampere in April 1918, for instance, showcased their determination and fighting spirit. The victory in the War of Independence was a direct result of their sacrifices, cementing the foundation of Finland’s sovereignty.

Development of Finland’s Defense Capabilities Before the Winter War
After the War of Independence, the Civil Guard focused on strengthening Finland’s defense capabilities. During the 1920s and 1930s, they served as a voluntary reserve, training hundreds of thousands of Finnish men in weapons handling, tactics, and military discipline. The organization maintained extensive shooting ranges, sports competitions, and military drills, bolstering the nation’s readiness for future threats. As the Soviet Union began to flex its muscles in the late 1930s, the Civil Guard’s contribution proved invaluable: their trained reservists formed the backbone of the Winter War (1939–1940) army. They also procured and developed weaponry, such as the renowned M/28 and M/39 rifles, which proved highly effective on the battlefield.

The Significance of the Lotta Svärd and War Boys Organizations to the Fatherland
Alongside the Civil Guard, the Lotta Svärd organization and the War Boys played indispensable roles as pillars of the fatherland. Founded in 1920, Lotta Svärd consisted of Finnish women dedicated to serving their country. They handled provisioning, medical care, fundraising, and numerous other tasks, freeing men for combat duties. The Lottas symbolized Finnish resilience and selflessness, and their efforts were vital to the nation’s survival.
The War Boys, often young boys below conscription age, acted as auxiliaries to the Civil Guard. They performed messenger duties, guard posts, and other support roles while learning patriotism and military skills. Their contribution reinforced national unity and preparedness, and many went on to become heroes of the Winter and Continuation Wars.

Activities of the Civil Guard, Lottas, and War Boys During the Winter and Continuation Wars
In the Winter War (1939–1940), the Civil Guard was instrumental in repelling the Soviet invasion. Their trained reservists fought on the front lines, and many members joined combat units directly. The Lottas cared for the wounded and fed the troops, while the War Boys served as messengers and support personnel, even under fire. This trio was essential to the Finnish miracle—the preservation of independence against overwhelming odds.
During the Continuation War (1941–1944), the Civil Guard continued its efforts, though its official role began merging with the Defence Forces. Civil Guard members participated in battles, bringing valuable experience from the War of Independence. The Lottas expanded into air surveillance and communications, and the War Boys took on greater responsibilities as manpower was needed at the front. Their collective sacrifice was crucial to Finland’s survival against Soviet might.

Mention of Notable Civil Guard Members
Simo Häyhä: The legendary Winter War sniper, nicknamed “White Death,” was a Civil Guard member. His training with the Viipuri Civil Guard honed his marksmanship, leading him to kill over 500 enemies, making him one of Finland’s greatest historical heroes.

Pehr Evind Svinhufvud: Finland’s third president (1931–1937), known as “Ukko-Pekka,” was a staunch supporter of the Civil Guard. He recognized their value in national defense and promoted their activities during his presidency. The M/39 rifle was named “Ukko-Pekka” in his honor.

Other notable figures include Lauri Törni, a Continuation War hero who later served in the U.S. Army, and Viljo Sohkanen, the Civil Guard’s first commander-in-chief, who led the organization in its early years.




The Civil Guard’s story ended tragically in 1944 when the communist Soviet Union forced Finland, under the terms of the Moscow Armistice, to disband the organization. The Soviets viewed the Civil Guard as a threat to their hegemony, fearing its patriotic spirit, which had proven invincible in war. The dissolution was enacted on November 3, 1944, alongside the banning of Lotta Svärd. This was a heavy blow to Finnish national identity, but the Civil Guard’s legacy endures in the hearts of Finns. Their sacrifices and work for independence will never be forgotten.

The Finnish Civil Guard were saviors of the fatherland, courageously rising to oppose the treasonous Red Guard rebellion and the communist machinations of Soviet Russia in 1918. They developed Finland’s defense capabilities, secured independence in the Winter and Continuation Wars, and instilled generations with love for their country. Together with the Lottas and War Boys, they formed an unbeatable trinity that carried Finland through its darkest hours. Though the communist Soviet Union forced the dissolution of this honorable organization, the Civil Guard’s legacy shines brightly as a symbol of Finnish freedom and independence—an eternal reminder of what defending the fatherland demands.
 
The Finnish Jäger Movement​

Origins of the Jäger Movement During Russian Rule
The Jäger Movement emerged in Finland under Russian imperial rule in the 1910s, as nationally minded young Finnish men resolved to actively pursue independence. Russian oppressive measures, such as the February Manifesto (1899) and the Conscription Law (1901), sparked resistance, and the erosion of Finnish autonomy fueled a desire to break free from Russia. In 1914, with the outbreak of World War I, Finnish activists seized an opportunity: Russia’s enemy, Germany, could provide support for the independence struggle.
The movement began as a clandestine operation when Finnish students and young men, such as Jaakko Mäki and Martti Aho, enlisted for military training in Germany. Between 1915 and 1917, approximately 2,000 Finns secretly traveled to the Lockstedt training camp in Germany, where they were trained as part of the Royal Prussian 27th Jäger Battalion. This was a bold and sacrificial act, as Russia deemed it treason, forcing the Jägers to leave behind their homes and families. The Jäger Movement symbolized Finnish grit and determination to achieve independence.

Impact on the War of Independence
The Jägers returned to Finland in February 1918, just as the War of Independence (1918) broke out. Their military training and experience from Germany’s Eastern Front (1916–1917) provided the White Army with critical expertise. Serving as officers, trainers, and combatants, the Jägers played a pivotal role in battles such as the captures of Tampere, Vyborg, and Lahti. Figures like Heikki Kekoni and Erik Heinrichs led forces that crushed Red Guard resistance. The Jägers’ leadership and tactical skill turned the tide of the war in favor of the Whites, securing Finland’s independence.

Formation of the Defence Forces in the Early Years of Independence
After the War of Independence, the Jägers were instrumental in establishing Finland’s Defence Forces. They brought modern military know-how based on German training and formed the core of the officer corps. In 1918, the newly founded army’s early commanders, such as C.G.E. Mannerheim, relied heavily on the Jägers, with many rising to high ranks—e.g., Aarne Sihvo, who became Commander of the Defence Forces (1926–1933). The Jägers also imported weapons and equipment from Germany, including rifles and artillery, strengthening the fledgling military. Their legacy laid the groundwork for Finnish military doctrine, emphasizing mobility, precision, and independent action.

Influence on the Winter and Continuation Wars
In the Winter War (1939–1940), the Jägers’ influence was evident in the leadership and training of the Defence Forces. Many Winter War officers, such as Hugo Österman and Woldemar Hägglund, were former Jägers who applied tactics learned in Germany against the Soviet Union’s overwhelming force. The Jäger legacy also shone through in Finnish fighting spirit and mastery of forest warfare, which proved decisive in battles like Kollaa and Raate Road.

During the Continuation War (1941–1944), the Jägers’ role grew even more prominent. Many had risen to general ranks, including Erik Heinrichs (Chief of the General Staff) and Aksel Airo (operations planner). They led the offensive into East Karelia and the defensive battles on the Karelian Isthmus in 1944. The Jägers’ influence was also felt in the training of frontline soldiers, as their system had produced a capable reserve that repelled the Soviet offensives.

Honoring the Traditions of the 27th Jäger Battalion in Today’s Defence Forces
Today, the Finnish Defence Forces honor the legacy of the 27th Jäger Battalion in various ways. The Jägers’ sacrifices and role as defenders of independence are integral to Finnish military tradition, celebrated through ceremonies and training. For instance, Jäger Battalion 27 Memorial Day is observed on February 25, marking their return to Finland in 1918. The day includes wreath-laying ceremonies and commemorative events, such as in Vaasa, where most Jägers arrived.
Units like the Jäger Brigade in Sodankylä and Pori uphold Jäger traditions. The brigade’s name is a tribute to the Jägers, and its training emphasizes the same values—resilience, independence, and fighting spirit—that the Jägers embodied. Additionally, the Jägers’ symbol, the golden lion, appears in the insignia of many units.


The Jäger Room at Botta
The Jäger Room (Jääkärihuone), located in the Botta building (Ylioppilastalo B) in Helsinki, is a historic monument to the Jäger Movement. Established in the 1920s as a gathering place for Jägers, it has been preserved in its original form as a tribute to their efforts. The walls display photographs, documents, and memorabilia, such as Jäger uniforms and weapons, recounting their journey from Lockstedt to the War of Independence. Today, the Jäger Room serves as an event space for Jäger-related occasions, such as commemorative speeches and lectures, standing as a living reminder of their sacrifices and role in Finland’s independence.

The Jäger Movement arose under Russian oppression as a courageous resistance effort, bringing military expertise and resolve to the War of Independence. The Jägers laid the foundation for the Defence Forces and significantly influenced the successes of the Winter and Continuation Wars. Their legacy endures in the values of the Defence Forces, the Jäger Brigade’s operations, and memorials like the Jäger Room. The Jägers were the spark of Finland’s independence, their sacrifices ensuring their name echoes eternally in the nation’s history.

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The White Death​

Simo Häyhä (December 17, 1905 – April 1, 2002) was a Finnish soldier and sniper, widely regarded as one of the most effective snipers in history. He is best known as a hero of the Winter War (1939–1940), during which he earned the nickname "White Death" (Russian: "Бе********а******** смерть", Belaja smert) among Soviet soldiers. Below is a comprehensive overview of his life, from childhood to death.

Childhood and Youth
Simo Häyhä was born in Rautjärvi, in the former Viipuri Province near the Russian border, into a small farming family. His parents were Juho and Katri Häyhä, and he was the seventh of eight children. The family lived modestly in the countryside, and Simo grew up helping with farm chores, such as hunting and fishing. This environment honed his exceptional marksmanship skills from a young age, as hunting was a key part of both livelihood and leisure.
Häyhä was quiet and unassuming by nature, traits that persisted throughout his life. He attended elementary school but did not pursue further education, which was typical for rural children at the time. In his youth, he joined the Rautjärvi Civil Guard, a local voluntary defense organization, where he began training in marksmanship. Häyhä quickly demonstrated an extraordinary ability to hit targets and excelled in shooting competitions.
Military Service Before the Winter War
Häyhä completed his mandatory military service from 1925 to 1927 in Viipuri and Hamina, receiving infantry training. After his service, he returned to civilian life and continued his involvement with the Civil Guard. He became a well-known marksman in local circles, winning numerous shooting contests. Häyhä often used a Finnish variant of the Mosin-Nagant rifle (M/28-30), which later became his signature weapon in the Winter War.

The Winter War and "White Death"
The Winter War broke out on November 30, 1939, when the Soviet Union invaded Finland. Häyhä served in the 6th Company of JR 34 on the Kollaa front in the Karelian Isthmus. He operated as a sniper in extreme cold and challenging conditions, with temperatures dropping as low as -40°C.
Häyhä’s reputation grew rapidly due to his deadly efficiency. He used a Mosin-Nagant M/28-30 rifle without a scope, as scopes could reflect light and reveal a sniper’s position. He also found an unscoped rifle faster and more reliable in snowy conditions. Dressed in a white camouflage suit, he blended seamlessly into the environment and employed clever tactics, such as keeping snow in his mouth to prevent his breath from giving away his position.
Häyhä’s confirmed kill count is 505 Soviet soldiers over 100 days, though the actual number may be higher, as not all kills were necessarily documented. Additionally, he is estimated to have killed around 200 enemies with a submachine gun, bringing his total to over 700. This made him one of the deadliest snipers in history.
The Soviet Union considered Häyhä such a significant threat that they deployed counter-snipers and artillery barrages to eliminate him—all in vain. He earned the moniker "White Death" and became a feared legend among the enemy.

Injury
On March 6, 1940, just weeks before the end of the Winter War, Häyhä was seriously wounded in the Battle of Kollaa. A Soviet soldier hit him in the face with an explosive bullet, which tore through his left cheek and jaw. He was found unconscious, and his comrades initially thought he was dead. However, Häyhä survived and was first taken to a field hospital, then transferred to Jyväskylä for recovery. He regained consciousness on March 13, 1940, the same day the peace treaty was signed.
Surgeries partially repaired his face, but he bore scars and disfigurement for the rest of his life. Häyhä was promoted to second lieutenant during the war for his merits and received several decorations, including the Kollaa Cross.

Life After the War
After the Winter War, Häyhä returned to civilian life in Rautjärvi, where he resumed farming and hunting. He lived a quiet, almost reclusive life, avoiding publicity. Häyhä raised dogs and enjoyed hunting but rarely spoke about his wartime experiences unless directly asked. He never married or had children.
Häyhä received some attention at veteran and hunting events but remained humble. When asked about his kill count or the secret to his success, he often replied tersely: "Practice" or "I just did what I was told." He never boasted about his achievements, which reinforced his reputation as a modest hero.

Later Years and Death
In his later years, Häyhä moved from Rautjärvi to Ruokolahti and eventually to Hamina, where he spent his final years in a veterans’ care home. He remained sharp-minded until the end, though his physical health declined. Simo Häyhä died on April 1, 2002, in Hamina at the age of 96. He was buried in the Rautjärvi church cemetery.
Legacy
Simo Häyhä remains etched in history not only as a lethal sniper but also as a symbol of Finnish "sisu"—a quiet man who fulfilled his duty with exceptional skill and determination. His story continues to inspire military history enthusiasts, and he is considered one of the most iconic figures of the Winter War. Häyhä’s humility and effectiveness have made him a legend, particularly among those who admire an individual’s ability to influence major events.

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Soldier of three Armies

Childhood and Youth
Lauri Törni was born in Viipuri, Karelia, to a family headed by Jalmari (Ilmari) Törni, a ship captain, and Rosa Maria Kosonen (née Kosonen). He had two younger sisters, Salme Kyllikki (b. 1920) and Kaija Iris (b. 1922). The family lived in Viipuri’s Hiekka district, and Lauri grew up as an athletic youth, befriending future Olympic boxer Sten Suvio among others. He attended a commercial school and joined the Viipuri Civil Guard youth branch at a young age, giving him early exposure to military training.
Törni’s childhood coincided with Finland’s recent independence (1917) and the bloody Civil War (1918). The proximity of the Soviet Union and its perceived threat were constant realities in his Karelian homeland, shaping his worldview. Anti-communism was widespread in Finland, as the Soviet Union was seen as a danger to national sovereignty—a feeling that grew stronger in Törni’s life over time.

Service in the Finnish Army
Törni began his military service in 1938 with the 4th Independent Jäger Battalion in Kiviniemi. When the Winter War broke out on November 30, 1939, with the Soviet Union invading Finland, his service was extended. Törni quickly demonstrated his skill and courage and was sent to the Reserve Officer School (RUK) in Niinisalo in February 1940. The Winter War ended on March 13, 1940, while he was still in training, but he was soon promoted to second lieutenant.
The Continuation War (1941–1944) brought Törni fame. He initially served in a machine gun platoon and later commanded the legendary “Detachment Törni,” known for its daring operations behind enemy lines. This unit inflicted significant losses on Soviet forces, and Törni earned a reputation as a fearless leader. Among his men was future Finnish president Mauno Koivisto. The Soviet Union placed a 3-million-mark bounty on Törni’s head, reflecting his effectiveness. He was awarded the Mannerheim Cross, Finland’s highest military honor, on July 9, 1944.
Injury and Unauthorized Return to the Front
Törni was seriously wounded on March 23, 1942, while skiing behind enemy lines on Lake Ladoga. He triggered a Finnish mine, which caused severe injuries. He was evacuated to a hospital, but during his recovery, he grew restless and returned to the front without permission—against medical orders. This act reflects his character: a dedicated fighter who couldn’t tolerate inaction, especially when his country faced the Soviet threat.


Service in the German Army (Waffen-SS)
After the Continuation War ended with the Moscow Armistice in September 1944, Finland was forced to turn against Germany in the Lapland War. Dissatisfied with the peace terms and fearing a Soviet occupation, Törni joined Germany’s Waffen-SS. He was not a supporter of Nazi ideology; his motivation was to continue fighting communism and the Soviet Union.
In June 1941, Törni had already completed a seven-week training course in Vienna with the Waffen-SS Finnish Battalion, earning the rank of Untersturmführer. In 1945, he returned to Germany, recruited by a pro-German resistance movement for sabotage training aimed at organizing resistance against a potential Soviet occupation of Finland. When returning to Finland failed, he joined a German unit fighting the Soviets near Schwerin. At the war’s end, he surrendered to the British, escaped from a POW camp, and returned to Finland in June 1945.
Upon his return, he was arrested by the State Police (Valpo) and sentenced in 1947 to six years in prison for treason due to his service in the German army. Törni escaped prison twice but was ultimately pardoned by President Juho Paasikivi in December 1948.

Service in the United States Army
In 1949, Törni fled to Sweden and then Venezuela. In 1950, he jumped overboard from a Swedish cargo ship in the Gulf of Mexico and swam to the United States. He settled in New York’s Finnish community and gained residency with help from former OSS chief “Wild Bill” Donovan. In 1954, he joined the U.S. Army under the Lodge-Philbin Act as Larry Thorne.
Törni quickly rose to the Special Forces (Green Berets), where his expertise in guerrilla warfare and mountain combat was invaluable. He taught skiing, survival skills, and guerrilla tactics, and participated in operations like a rescue mission in Iran’s Zagros Mountains from 1958 to 1962. He was promoted to captain in 1960.
During the Vietnam War, Törni served in the MACV-SOG unit, conducting covert operations. He died on October 18, 1965, in a helicopter crash in Laos during a reconnaissance mission. His remains were recovered in 1999 and buried at Arlington National Cemetery in 2003, where he was posthumously promoted to major.

Anti-Communism in Finland and Törni’s Life
Törni’s hatred of communism stemmed from Soviet actions: the Winter War, the loss of Karelia (including his hometown Viipuri), and the post-Continuation War fear of occupation. This was a common sentiment in Finland, where the Soviet Union was seen as an existential threat. Many Finns, like Törni, viewed communism not just as a political system but as a direct assault on national independence. His decision to fight in three armies reflects this deep-seated animosity—he refused to give up, even when Finland made peace with the Soviet Union.

örni is a legend in three countries: in Finland as a Mannerheim Cross recipient, in Germany as an Iron Cross holder, and in the U.S. as a Special Forces icon who earned the Bronze Star and Purple Heart. In 2010, he was named the first honorary member of the U.S. Special Forces Regiment. In Finland, his legacy lives on through the “Detachment Törni” heritage association, and his story resonates in popular culture, such as Sabaton’s song “Soldier of 3 Armies.” Törni was an uncompromising soldier whose life was dedicated to fighting communism—at any cost.

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The Waffen-SS Finnish Volunteer Battalion​
When the Continuation War broke out in June 1941 against the Soviet Union, Finland and Germany were allies due to a shared enemy. In this context, the Finnish SS Volunteer Battalion (SS-Freiwilligen-Bataillon Nordost) was formed, consisting of approximately 1,400 Finnish volunteers between 1941 and 1943. The battalion was part of the Waffen-SS, Germany’s elite military force, but the Finns differed from many other SS units in their motivations and background.
Recruitment began in the spring of 1941, with volunteers enticed by promises of excellent training and modern weaponry. Finland at the time had a strong anti-communist sentiment due to the Winter War (1939–1940) and Soviet aggression, making Germany an appealing partner. Many volunteers saw service in Germany as a way to strengthen Finland’s defense in the long term.

Motivation: Defending the Homeland and Opposing Communism
Finnish SS soldiers were not, as a rule, driven by Nazi ideology. Their primary motivations were:
Opposition to Communism: The Soviet Union had attacked Finland in the Winter War and once again threatened Finnish independence in the Continuation War. Communism was seen as an existential threat, and for many SS volunteers, serving in Germany was an extension of this struggle. In Finland, there was broad consensus against the Soviet Union, and joining the SS unit was viewed as a way to contribute to that fight.

Serving the Homeland: Many volunteers believed that the experience and training gained in Germany would benefit Finland. They intended to return home and use their skills against the Soviet Union, either in the Continuation War or in a potential future conflict.

Military Ambition: The Waffen-SS was renowned for its rigorous training and modern warfare techniques. For many young Finnish officers and soldiers, this was an opportunity to receive the best possible military education, unavailable in Finland.

Unlike in many other countries, where SS units joined due to Nazi racial theories or political fanaticism, Finns emphasized their national interests. They did not swear personal allegiance to Hitler but committed to serve a fixed term (usually two years) in German ranks.

Who Joined and Why?
The volunteers came from diverse backgrounds:
Young Officers and Soldiers: For example, Lauri Törni (whom I discussed earlier) participated in SS training in the summer of 1941. They saw it as a career opportunity and a way to develop their skills.

Nationalist Idealists: Many had Civil Guard backgrounds and wanted to fight “Bolshevism,” viewing Germany as an ally in Finland’s survival.

Adventurers: A minority joined out of curiosity or a desire to see the world, though this was less common.

Recruitment involved Finnish authorities, and volunteers’ backgrounds were screened—communists or unreliable individuals were not accepted. This reflects the perception that their service was part of Finland’s national project, not an adoption of German ideology.

Service in Germany
Finnish volunteers were sent for training in Austria and Germany in the summer of 1941. They were integrated into the SS-Division Wiking, which fought on the Eastern Front against the Soviet Union. The Finns participated in heavy combat in Ukraine, the Caucasus, and other regions from 1941 to 1943. They earned a reputation as brave and capable soldiers but also suffered significant losses—around 255 Finns were killed, and hundreds were wounded.
The battalion was disbanded in the summer of 1943, when the Finns returned home as per their agreement. Many immediately joined the Finnish Army and continued fighting in the Continuation War. This reinforces the idea that their ultimate goal was to serve Finland, not to remain in German service permanently.

Non-Nazi Identity
The Finnish SS soldiers differed from other Waffen-SS units in several ways:
Lack of Ideology: Finns did not participate in Nazi racial doctrines or the persecution of Jews. Their focus was on military operations against the Soviet Union, and their actions were purely operational.

Finland’s Interests First: The agreement with Germany included a condition that Finns would return home after their term, setting them apart from other SS volunteers who often had a more permanent commitment.

Perception in Finland: During the war, SS volunteers were not widely condemned in Finland, as they were seen as fighting a common enemy—the Soviet Union. It was only after the war, with the Moscow Armistice (1944), that their actions became controversial as Finland distanced itself from Germany.

Return to Finland and Aftermath
Upon returning to Finland, many SS volunteers continued serving in the Finnish Army during the Continuation War until its end (September 1944). They brought back valuable experience in anti-tank warfare, guerrilla tactics, and modern strategies, which were used against the Soviet Union. For instance, Lauri Törni applied his German training later in Finland and beyond.
After the war, some SS veterans, like Törni, faced legal consequences. Between 1946 and 1947, the State Police (Valpo) investigated and convicted many for “treason” because they had served in the German army after Finland made peace with the Soviet Union. Sentences ranged from a few years to pardons, but many felt bitterness over their treatment, believing they had acted in Finland’s interest.


Finnish SS soldiers were primarily patriots and opponents of communism, not proponents of Nazi ideology. They saw the Waffen-SS as offering the best training and resources to fight the Soviet Union, which had threatened Finland for decades. Their desire to return to Finland and use their skills to defend their homeland demonstrates that their loyalty lay with Finland, not Germany. This reflects a broader Finnish spirit—pragmatism and determination to preserve independence, even through controversial means.
If you’d like more details about specific individuals or battles, let me know, and I’ll dive deeper!
 
Finnish activism against communism and the Soviet Union​

Aftermath of the War of Independence and the Soviet Threat
The War of Independence (January–May 1918) left deep scars in Finland. The victory of the Whites over the Reds (socialists supported by communists) reinforced an anti-communist stance, and the Soviet Union—which had backed the Reds—was seen as a persistent danger. After gaining independence in 1917, Finland was a fragile state, and its eastern border with the Soviet Union remained volatile. This set the stage for activism aimed at both suppressing communism internally and countering the Soviet Union externally.
The Soviet Union was perceived as an existential threat, as it was aggressive in the wake of the Bolshevik Revolution and sought to spread communism to neighboring countries. In Finland, there was fear that the Soviets might attempt to reclaim the country or support internal uprisings. The Treaty of Tartu (1920) was signed with the Soviet Union to define borders, but trust in the eastern neighbor remained low.

Internal Anti-Communism: Suppressing Communism in Finland
Following the Civil War, Finland took extensive measures to suppress communism:
Ban on Communist Activities: The Communist Party of Finland (SKP) was founded in Moscow in 1918 but was declared illegal in Finland. Communist activities were driven underground, and authorities actively persecuted communists and their supporters. In 1930, the so-called "Communist Laws" were enacted, banning communist organizations and publications, reflecting widespread fear of the "Red menace."

State Police (Etsivä Keskuspoliisi): Established in 1919, the Detective Central Police (EK) was tasked with monitoring and eliminating communist movements. The EK tracked communist activities, made arrests, and disrupted secret networks suspected of Soviet backing.

Right-Wing Organizations: The Lapua Movement (1929–1932) was a significant anti-communist activist group. It emerged spontaneously as a reaction to a communist meeting and grew into a violent movement that attacked communists and leftists. The Lapua Movement’s most notable action was the "Muilutukset," where leftists were forcibly transported to the eastern border and expelled into the Soviet Union. The movement also pushed for the Communist Laws but was banned after the Mäntsälä Rebellion (1932) when it threatened government authority.

External Activism: Kinship Wars and Cross-Border Ventures
Finnish activists didn’t limit themselves to internal anti-communist efforts; many participated in armed ventures beyond the Soviet border. Known as the "Kinship Wars," these efforts were driven by the idea of a "Greater Finland" and a desire to liberate Finno-Ugric peoples from Soviet rule:
Viena Expedition (1918–1920): Finnish volunteers attempted to seize parts of East Karelia (Viena) from the Soviet Union to support local uprisings and expand Finland’s influence. The expedition failed due to poor organization and Soviet resistance, but it exemplified the activists’ zeal to fight communism.

Aunus Expedition (1919): Another attempt to capture Karelian territory, this time in the Aunus region. Volunteer forces, including Civil Guard members, advanced into Soviet territory but were defeated. The goal was both to advance the kinship cause and weaken the Soviet Union.

Petsamo Expedition (1920): A smaller operation aimed at securing the Petsamo region, though it too was short-lived.

The Kinship Wars were largely unofficial, and the Finnish government sought to curb them, as they jeopardized the peace treaty with the Soviet Union. Nevertheless, they received broad support from nationalist circles, such as the Civil Guards and the Academic Karelia Society (AKS), which promoted the kinship ideology and anti-communist struggle.

Civil Guards and Civic Activism
The Civil Guard organization was a key player in anti-communist activism. Established from the White forces of the Civil War, the Civil Guards served as a voluntary defense organization, training Finns in weapons use and military readiness. Their role included:
Maintaining Defense Readiness: The Civil Guards kept citizens prepared to resist a potential Soviet invasion or internal communist uprising.

Opposing Communists: They often acted locally to prevent communist gatherings and unrest, sometimes in cooperation with the police.

Supporting the Kinship Cause: Many Civil Guard members participated in the Kinship Wars and saw themselves as part of a broader anti-communist force.

Alongside the Civil Guards, the Lotta Svärd organization supported these efforts with women’s contributions. These groups strengthened national unity and anti-communist sentiment.

Political and Ideological Activism
Opposition to communism was also evident in politics and ideology:
Nationalist Movements: The Academic Karelia Society (AKS) was a student and intellectual organization that advocated for a "Greater Finland" and opposed communism. It was influential in the 1920s and 1930s, with many members supporting activist ventures.

Right-Wing Parties: The National Coalition Party and the Patriotic People’s Movement (IKL), the successor to the Lapua Movement, emphasized anti-communism in their platforms. The IKL was more extreme and pro-fascist, but its primary enemy was still the Soviet Union and communism.

Propaganda: Newspapers and pamphlets spread anti-communist messages, warning of Soviet intentions and the dangers of communism.

Outcome and Significance
Activism between the Civil War and the Winter War was both successful and contentious. Internally, it nearly eradicated the communist movement in Finland by the 1930s, but externally, the Kinship Wars failed and heightened tensions with the Soviet Union. When the Winter War broke out in 1939, however, this activism had laid the groundwork for national unity and defense readiness, which proved crucial.
Finnish activists saw their efforts as part of a broader struggle against communism, which threatened their independent nation. Their motivation was primarily national—to protect Finland and its values—rather than an ideological embrace of, for example, fascism. This mindset carried them through the 1920s and 1930s and set the stage for the Winter War "miracle," in which Finland held its own against the Soviet Union.
If you’d like more details on a specific aspect, such as individual expeditions or organizations, let me know, and I’ll delve deeper!
 
The weapons caching operation


Ideological Background of the Weapons Caching
The ideological foundation of the weapons caching was not explicitly defined, but it took on a strong anti-communist tone through its participants. After the Continuation War ended in September 1944 with the Moscow Armistice, Finland found itself in a precarious position: the Soviet Union demanded war reparations, the lease of Porkkala as a military base, and the expulsion of German forces, leading to the Lapland War. For many Finns, particularly military leaders and nationalist circles, the situation resembled the fate of the Baltic states, where the Soviet Union had swiftly extinguished independence. This fear fueled the weapons caching, seen as a means to maintain resistance capability if the Soviet Union attempted to occupy Finland.
Although the operation was ordered by the Finnish General Headquarters and officially termed "dispersed storage," its participants—especially officers and reservists with Civil Guard backgrounds—were often staunchly anti-communist. Finland had a strong tradition of opposing the Soviet Union, rooted in the Civil War (1918), the Kinship Wars, and the Winter War (1939–1940). Communism was viewed not only as a political threat but as a national danger that could destroy Finland’s independence. Thus, the weapons caching was more than a military precaution; it carried an ideological dimension: a desire to prevent a communist takeover and preserve the Finnish social order.

Concern for Finland’s Independence After the Continuation War
The years following the Continuation War, known as the "Years of Danger" (1944–1948/49), were a time when many believed Finland’s independence was at risk. The Soviet-led Allied Control Commission arrived in Finland to oversee compliance with the armistice terms, and its presence raised fears of losing national sovereignty. The Porkkala base, just 20 kilometers from Helsinki, gave the Soviets a strategic advantage, and many worried that an occupation could occur with the slightest provocation.
In this context, the weapons caching was a response to uncertainty. It involved arms and supplies for approximately 35,000 men, indicating a large-scale and serious plan. Those involved saw themselves as the last defenders of independence, preparing for the worst—a full Soviet takeover. While the state leadership, such as President J.K. Paasikivi, viewed the operation as risky and contrary to the Moscow Armistice, for many of its implementers, it was an expression of patriotism and national survival.


The Allied Control Commission and Its Role
The Allied Control Commission, led by Soviet representative Andrei Zhdanov, arrived in Finland in the fall of 1944 and remained until 1947. Its task was to ensure Finland adhered to the armistice terms, such as reducing its armed forces and banning "fascist" organizations. The commission actively interfered in Finland’s internal affairs, for instance, demanding war crimes trials and censoring anti-Soviet material, including textbooks and literature.
The weapons caching was uncovered in the spring of 1945, and the Control Commission reacted strongly, viewing it as a direct threat to the peace agreement. The commission pressured the Finnish government to resolve the matter swiftly, leading to extensive investigations and trials. Although the commission stepped back from direct involvement after the summer of 1945, its presence heightened political tension. The Soviet Union could have used the weapons caching as a pretext for harsher intervention, but Finland’s prompt actions—and perhaps the Soviets’ reluctance to ignite a new conflict—prevented escalation.

Valpo’s Communist Phase (Finnish FBI)
The State Police (Valpo), which during the Continuation War had been anti-communist and focused on countering Soviet espionage, underwent a dramatic shift after the war. In the 1945 parliamentary elections, the Finnish People’s Democratic League (SKDL), a communist-led coalition, achieved a significant victory, and communist Yrjö Leino was appointed interior minister. Leino overhauled Valpo’s personnel almost entirely, placing communists in leadership roles, such as deputy chief Aimo Aaltonen. This marked Valpo’s "communist phase," during which it focused on tracking down weapons cachers and other anti-communist actors.
Valpo played a central role in exposing the weapons caching. In the spring of 1945, under communist leadership, it began investigating the caches, and the probe ballooned into a massive effort: approximately 1,488 individuals were convicted, with sentences totaling nearly 400 years of imprisonment. The communist influence in Valpo sparked widespread distrust, as many saw it acting as a Soviet puppet. For example, the suicide of Mannerheim Cross recipient Urho Lehtovaara while in Valpo custody in 1949 exemplifies the era’s tensions. Valpo’s communist phase ended with Leino’s resignation in 1948, as Finland’s political situation began to stabilize.

The weapons caching was a complex phenomenon where military preparedness and ideological anti-communism intertwined. It stemmed from deep concern for Finland’s independence at a time when Soviet influence was at its peak and the Control Commission oversaw the country. The operation took on an anti-communist label, though its official aim was apolitical—to ensure resistance against occupation. Valpo’s communist phase and the Control Commission’s pressure turned the weapons caching into a political flashpoint, dividing Finns and leading to heavy repercussions. Ultimately, it highlighted the Finnish determination to defend their independence, but it also underscored how fragile that independence was during the Years of Danger.

Finland eventually became a NATO member state, with one of the strongest armies in Europe, because its neighbor is a constant threat.
 
F-18 Hornet Acquisition and Its Background
Finland's decision to acquire McDonnell Douglas F/A-18 Hornet fighters was made in 1992, amidst the 1990s recession and the transitional period following the collapse of the Soviet Union. The acquisition was part of modernizing the Finnish Air Force's fleet, as the aging MiG-21s and Saab Drakens needed to be replaced with a modern multirole fighter. The competition included the Hornet alongside options like the Saab JAS 39 Gripen, Dassault Mirage 2000-5, and General Dynamics F-16, but the Hornet was chosen for its versatility, performance, and the reliability of its twin-engine design, which suited Finland's demanding conditions.
The decision was made by Esko Aho's government on May 6, 1992, with Finland ordering 64 aircraft (57 single-seat F-18Cs and 7 two-seat F-18Ds) at a total cost of approximately *3.16 billion, which exceeded initial estimates due to the economic crisis and currency fluctuations. The first aircraft arrived in Finland in 1995 and were partially assembled at Patria's facility in Halli, supporting domestic industry. The acquisition was controversial given the economic situation but was justified by the need to secure Finland's defense capabilities in a transformed geopolitical landscape.

Impact on the Alliance with the United States
The Hornet acquisition marked a turning point in Finland-U.S. relations. During the Cold War, Finland adhered to a policy of neutrality, but the Soviet Union's dissolution opened opportunities for closer Western cooperation. Choosing the U.S.-made Hornet signaled a shift toward the West, even though Finland was not a NATO member at the time. The acquisition laid the foundation for long-term defense cooperation, evident in training, maintenance systems, and subsequent mid-life upgrades (MLU1 and MLU2), where the Hornets' weaponry and avionics were enhanced with U.S. support.
The Hornets tied Finland technologically and operationally to the United States, though Finland retained independence in decision-making. Cooperation deepened over the decades, for instance, through joint exercises and the procurement of U.S. weapon systems like JASSM cruise missiles. This strengthened trust between the nations but also drew criticism within Europe, as some saw it as a drift away from European alternatives.

F-35 Acquisition
As the Hornets approached the end of their service life in the 2020s, Finland launched the HX program to replace them. In 2021, the Finnish government selected the Lockheed Martin F-35A Lightning II, and a contract for 64 aircraft was signed in 2022. The acquisition, valued at approximately *8.4 billion, includes the aircraft, weaponry (e.g., AMRAAM and Sidewinder missiles, later JASSM-ER and AARGM-ER), training, and sustainment until 2030. The first F-35s will arrive in Finland in 2026, phasing out the Hornets by 2030.
The F-35 choice further solidified Finland's bond with the United States. The aircraft's stealth capabilities, sensor fusion, and networking met Finland's needs in an evolving security environment, particularly after Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022. In the HX evaluations, the F-35 outperformed competitors (e.g., Super Hornet, Gripen, Rafale, Typhoon), and its selection supported interoperability with the U.S. and other F-35 operators.

NATO Membership
Russia's aggression in Ukraine accelerated Finland's security policy shift, leading to a NATO membership application in May 2022 and formal accession in April 2023. The F-35 acquisition and NATO membership are interconnected, as the F-35 choice was a proactive step toward NATO compatibility. The Hornet era had already established a foundation for technical and operational cooperation, but NATO membership elevated the alliance to a new level. The F-35 system supports NATO operations, and Finland can leverage shared spare parts and training, enhancing its integration into the Western defense framework.

DCA Agreement
The Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) between Finland and the United States was signed in December 2023 and entered into force in September 2024. The agreement enables U.S. troop presence, training, and pre-positioning of materiel in Finland, facilitating cooperation across all security scenarios. It complements NATO membership and reinforces Finland's role in Northern European security.
The DCA deepens the collaboration that began with the Hornet and F-35 acquisitions, moving it to a concrete level. It grants the U.S. access to Finnish military areas (e.g., Rovaniemi, Rissala) but does not imply permanent bases, rather flexible training and crisis readiness. The agreement reflects a mutual commitment that has grown from the Hornet-era technical partnership into a strategic alliance.



The F-18 Hornet acquisition established the foundation for Finland-U.S. defense cooperation, which has evolved from 1990s technical dependence into a comprehensive alliance. The F-35 acquisition reinforced this bond, preparing Finland for NATO membership, which, with the DCA, has become increasingly operational. This trajectory illustrates Finland's transition from neutrality to an active role in the Western defense system, with the United States as a key partner. Changes in the security environment, particularly Russia’s actions, have driven this development, yet Finland has maintained strategic autonomy in its decision-making.
 
9/11 Attacks in New York and Finland’s Participation in the War in Afghanistan​

The September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks in New York and Washington, carried out by al-Qaeda using hijacked planes that crashed into the World Trade Center towers and the Pentagon, marked a significant turning point in international security policy. The attacks, which killed nearly 3,000 people, prompted the United States to launch the "War on Terror." The war in Afghanistan began in October 2001 when the U.S., along with its allies, invaded the country to overthrow the Taliban regime, which had provided sanctuary to al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden. The operation, named "Enduring Freedom," involved a broad coalition of NATO countries and other partners.

Finland, though not a NATO member at the time, decided to participate in Afghanistan operations as part of the international community. The decision was made in late 2001, and Finland joined the ISAF (International Security Assistance Force) mission in 2002. Finland’s involvement began with a Civil-Military Cooperation (CIMIC) unit, and later expanded to include peacekeeping and development efforts. From 2015 onward, Finland also participated in the NATO-led Resolute Support Mission (RSM), which focused on training Afghan security forces. Finland’s motives included supporting the U.S. and global counterterrorism efforts, as well as strengthening its foreign and security policy ties with Western nations, particularly the United States and NATO.
Finland’s engagement in Afghanistan lasted nearly 20 years, ending in August 2021 when the U.S. and its allies withdrew from the country, and the Taliban regained control. During this period, Finland deployed approximately 2,500 soldiers and 140 civilian crisis management experts to Afghanistan. Additionally, Finland provided around *398 million in development aid and humanitarian assistance to the country.

Wounded and Killed Finns in Afghanistan
Finland’s participation in the Afghanistan war was primarily focused on peacekeeping and support roles, meaning Finnish troops were not as extensively involved in combat as, for example, U.S. or British forces. Nevertheless, there were casualties during the operations:
Finnish Soldiers Killed: A total of two Finnish soldiers lost their lives in Afghanistan due to hostile actions.
The first incident occurred on May 23, 2007, when a Finnish peacekeeper was killed in a bomb attack in Maimana, northern Afghanistan. He was part of an ISAF unit patrolling on foot to protect hospital staff when a roadside bomb detonated.

The second death took place on February 27, 2008, when a Finnish soldier was killed in a grenade attack near Aybak in Samangan province.

No other Finnish soldier deaths in combat operations in Afghanistan have been reported beyond these two cases.

Finnish Soldiers Wounded: At least 11 Finnish soldiers were wounded during operations in Afghanistan.
For instance, in the 2007 Maimana bomb attack, four Norwegian soldiers were injured alongside the Finnish fatality, though no specific Finnish injuries were detailed in that case.

The exact number of wounded may vary depending on sources, but official records confirm at least 11 injuries over the course of the mission. Most injuries were caused by roadside bombs (IEDs) or small-scale engagements.

Civilian Casualties: Additionally, two Finnish civilians, aid workers, were killed in Afghanistan on July 24, 2014, when armed men attacked them in Herat. This incident was not directly related to military operations but was part of broader violence targeting civilians in the country.

Summary
Finland’s participation in the Afghanistan war following the 9/11 attacks was a significant step in its foreign and security policy, bringing it closer to the West and NATO cooperation. Although Finland’s role was limited compared to many other nations, the operations resulted in the loss of two soldiers and at least 11 wounded, with two civilians also killed. These losses are small compared to those of the United States (over 2,400 soldiers killed) or the United Kingdom (over 450 killed), but they reflect Finland’s commitment to international crisis management in a transformed security environment.

One of the most severely injured Finnish soldiers is a friend of mine
 
Finnish activism against communism and the Soviet Union​

Finnish activists saw their efforts as part of a broader struggle against communism, which threatened their independent nation. Their motivation was primarily national—to protect Finland and its values—rather than an ideological embrace of, for example, fascism. This mindset carried them through the 1920s and 1930s and set the stage for the Winter War "miracle," in which Finland held its own against the Soviet Union.
If you’d like more details on a specific aspect, such as individual expeditions or organizations, let me know, and I’ll delve deeper!

You must have worn your fingers to the bone! Thank you for providing all of this history about Finland and Finnish arms.
 
You must have worn your fingers to the bone! Thank you for providing all of this history about Finland and Finnish arms.

I'm happy to tell you. We are a small country far from everywhere, except Russia.
Our weapons history has existed and exists only because of the threat from the East. That thin line has been eternal, it will continue to be eternal.
It is especially good for our allies to know our history, because our history tells why we think about certain things now and why we prepare for it. No one in Finland wants war ever again, we have enough old heroes' graves.
We have a strong defense of our own, 280,000 soldiers who can be ordered into service quickly, the total size of the reserve is 900,000 soldiers.
Our government is now investing heavily in defense and we are part of NATO, we are also an ally to our weaker neighbors and allies.
With NATO membership, the defense of Finland, Sweden and Norway was tied together. Finland has a strong Army, Sweden and Norway have a navy and air force. Finland only has 62 F-18 Hornet fighters, which will be replaced by F-35 fighters in the coming years.
 
What a lot of good information in those posts. I suppose this is a good place to put up my modest array of Finnish knives.

A couple of Peltonen Sissipuukkos. These were designed by a Ranger captain for use by Finnish army rangers. Don’t be misled by the name. Sissipuukko means “Ranger knife”. Blades made by Laurin in 80CRV2.

The third one is a Jääkkaripuuko, or hunter knife, from Terävä, also in 80CRv2, made by Laurin.

The small one is a Mini Skrama, also from Terävä. ( I hope I’ve got all those umlauts placed right).

Last, Marttiini, who manufactures Rapala fishing knives. This one, with a rubber handle, is priced very modestly to compete directly with Mora knives, which are probably more familiar. These are popular in Michigan’s U.P., with the descendants of Finnish immigrants. They will swear that Marttiini knives are sharper than Moras.

Not all my knives are black, but most of my Finnish knives are. I have another Marttiini that has a wood hand, but it is not appearing for now.
 

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